Affirmative Action Essays (3618 words) - Social Inequality

Affirmative Action Essays (3618 words) - Social Inequality Affirmative Action Thesis: Although many people believe that affirmative Action is a form of racism, it is actually used to help minorities find employment in an otherwise racist world. ?In the United States, equality is a recurring theme. It has flared into a fervent moral issue at crucial stages of American history: The revolutionary and Jacksonian Period, and the New Deal. In each era, the legitimacy of American society is challenged by some set of people unhappy with the degree of equality? (Verba and Orren). Following the Civil War, Congress passed a number of laws designed to put former slaves on an equal level with white people. The Fourteenth Amendment made the freedmen citizen and prohibited states from enforcing any law which took away the privliges of any citizen, depriving men of life, liberty, or property without due process of the law, or denied men equal protection of the laws. In 1875, Republican majority in Congress, aware that reconstruction would soon end, passed a civil right act to secure by law semblance of equality for Black Americans (Urofsky 19). Many white Americans really did not like the idea of equality for the Black Freedmen. ?Gideon Welles, who had been prevailing sentiment when he wrote in 1871: ?Thank God slavery is abolished, but the Negro is not, and never can be the equal of the white man. He is of an inferior race and must always remain so(Urofsky 23). The supreme court agreed and in 1883 passed the Civil Rights act which diluted much of th! e protection of the Fourteenth Amendment. Justice Joseph Bradely interpreted the enforcement provision of the amendment as strictly remedial; ?congress has the power to remedy a discriminatory state law, but could not take affirmative steps to protect blacks from other forms of prejudice? (Urofsky 21). As a result of this decision, the federal government took no action to combat racism in the country until the second world war (Urofsky 22). Because resentment continued to increase within the black communities and because of the threat of a march on Washington, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued an executive order on June 25, 1941. This order directed African Americans to be accepted into job-training programs in defense plants. The order also stated that discrimination would not be excepted by employers holding defense contracts. It also set up a fair employment practice commissions to investigate charges of racial discrimination. Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower continued to enforce fair employment legislation after Roosevelt?s policies because Congress was unwilling to do so. In 1954, the supreme court decision Brown v. Board of Education pressured both houses of Congress and the executive office to take some positive steps on behalf of civil rights. In January 1961, John F. Kennedy took office. Almost immediately Roy Wilkins of the NAACP called for action to promote employment opportunities for African Americans. John F. Kennedy responded with executive order 10925, which created a presidential commission on equal employment opportunity; it also mandated federal contractors to take ?Affirmative Action? to ensure that there would be no discrimination by ?race, creed, color or nationality.? This was not the first time that the government ordered it own contractors not only to avoid discrimination, but to take positive steps to redress the effects of discrimination in society. In some cases contractors were asked to pay employees doing similar work, the same amount of pay. Without congressional action an executive order could only last so long, and in 1963 Kennedy secured passage of the Equal Pay Act. The Equal Pay Act prohibited employers from paying women less than men for the same work. ?A short time later due to the assassination of kennedy Lyndon B. Johnson called for the passage of the Civil Rights Bill as a memorial to the late president kennedy. Lyndon B. Johnson skillfully guided and expanded versions of kennedy?s proposal through the house and senate. The Civil Rights Act was signed into law July 2, 1964. Title VII of the act banned employment discrimination based on ?race, color, sex, and nationality,? it also created a permanent equal employment opportunity commission to enforce its provisions. The act also for the first time included obligations not to discriminate to private employees, labor unions, and governmental agencies.(Urofsky

Free Essays on Muslim Advances

â€Å"Muslim society had a sophistication matched at that time only by the Tang Empire of China.† (Mcdougal Littell, 242) The Muslim society was very advanced in many ways compared to the societies of other major civilizations. They made great advancements in the blending of cultures, math and science, and arts and literature. All this made possible the a semblance of the House of Wisdom, a combination library academy, and translation center. Muslim culture was centered around its four social classes. It included the born Muslims at the top. Converts were in the next class and had to pay higher taxes than the born Muslims. Next came the non-Muslim people who paid the most taxes of them all. The lowest class were the slaves, all of whom were non-Muslim. Muslims believed that math was the basis of all knowledge. A Muslim first described â€Å"al-jabr†, which we still use today as Algebra. Many of the Muslim’s researched of math lead to scientific discoveries. Astronomy and Optics were two fields in which the Muslims greatly excelled in. Ibn Haytham was the person to discover that rays pass from object to eyes. Literature was a strong tradition to the culture All literature stemmed from things such as bravery, love, generosity, and hospitality. All the culture’s literature was based on the sacred Qur’an. Muslims also had a deep interest in art, though they had to come up with inter esting ways to do it. Islam forbid the painting of humans. So artist came up with creative ways to do it, for example using calligraphy. But the most beautiful thing from their culture was the architecture. Though Muslims are now regarded as back-wards in their ways of women. In this particular time period Muslim women had more rights than most women. Poor women could work along side their husbands and the rich ones overlooked servants and could even get an education.... Free Essays on Muslim Advances Free Essays on Muslim Advances â€Å"Muslim society had a sophistication matched at that time only by the Tang Empire of China.† (Mcdougal Littell, 242) The Muslim society was very advanced in many ways compared to the societies of other major civilizations. They made great advancements in the blending of cultures, math and science, and arts and literature. All this made possible the a semblance of the House of Wisdom, a combination library academy, and translation center. Muslim culture was centered around its four social classes. It included the born Muslims at the top. Converts were in the next class and had to pay higher taxes than the born Muslims. Next came the non-Muslim people who paid the most taxes of them all. The lowest class were the slaves, all of whom were non-Muslim. Muslims believed that math was the basis of all knowledge. A Muslim first described â€Å"al-jabr†, which we still use today as Algebra. Many of the Muslim’s researched of math lead to scientific discoveries. Astronomy and Optics were two fields in which the Muslims greatly excelled in. Ibn Haytham was the person to discover that rays pass from object to eyes. Literature was a strong tradition to the culture All literature stemmed from things such as bravery, love, generosity, and hospitality. All the culture’s literature was based on the sacred Qur’an. Muslims also had a deep interest in art, though they had to come up with inter esting ways to do it. Islam forbid the painting of humans. So artist came up with creative ways to do it, for example using calligraphy. But the most beautiful thing from their culture was the architecture. Though Muslims are now regarded as back-wards in their ways of women. In this particular time period Muslim women had more rights than most women. Poor women could work along side their husbands and the rich ones overlooked servants and could even get an education....

Art Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words - 1

Art - Essay Example 2) Duration - this was observed through rhyme, length of the notes, and the speed. Through the nursery rhymes, different notes such as the short notes and long notes was seen to make the nursery rhyme more meaningful. 4) Pitch – this was observed through ‘Mary Had A Little Lamb,’ as it involved the high and low notes of the keyboard. When playing the keyboard, the faster notes demonstrated the pitch while shorter notes displayed lower pitch. Belly Dancing consumed ten hours, which involved attending lessons from a family friend, who is a belly dancer, as well as watching belly-dancing videos on YouTube. I met with instructor, the family friend, once a week for nine weeks with each session being one hour, in length. The last hour was done by practicing on the YouTube videos in which demonstrated the different moves of belly dancing. Eventually, through these lessons, I learnt the different belly dancing movements. 4) Space - through dancing, I was taught how to use the space and specifically personal space, an aspect that links to relationships. Additionally, I managed to use the space optimally, and safely to avoid the occurrence of any accident. All the elements of dance are linked, and successfully organise a well-structured dance. The music played along the dance demonstrated that fast beats of the songs meant fast dance movements resulting in a fast structure, while slow beats meant that the movements were slower. The number of hours completed in this art form is twenty hours. Before I began knitting, I thought of either a scarf or a beanie, which were the items I intended to knit. After evaluation of the exercise involved in knitting of both items, I decided to do a scarf. Due to lack of sufficient practice in the past, I was very slow at the onset of the process but gradually improved my speed as I progressed. Within the stipulated twenty hours, I was glad to have successfully completed two Yarn rolls; one has tints

Smart Growth Anthony Flint Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Smart Growth Anthony Flint - Essay Example Planning for the growth of contemporary towns entails early preparation of its entire infrastructure. Urban developers focus on the developments of their towns in aspects that will enhance growth. Sustainability is a significant element during planning for the growth of cities. This is because planners succeed when they ensure that their infrastructure is sustainable. This also implies that appropriate leadership ensures that planning of any project benefits several people. This kind of leadership is likely to establish several policies that facilitate development of practical procedures. For example, the political leadership of a state could create policies that encourage its entire citizenry to acknowledge the value of development. Such policies include the establishment of commissions that focus on developmental issues. The commissions also identify suitable human resources that will ensure the design of creative plans (Randall & Weber 78). There is need for proper legislation that will enable the entire planning of modern towns to be effective. Such legislation is effective because it passes Acts that tend to support the growth of infrastructure. The presence of growth management plans is an essential inclusion in planning strategies. This is because the plans help experts to ensure there is a systematic execution of appropriate strategies that enhance development. These strategies include intentional initiatives that attempt to assess the potential development of infrastructure in several places. Others include the preservation of landscapes that is funded by transfer of taxes from estates. The issue of taxes is fundamental because it helps planners have adequate funds for their various operations. Insufficient funds tend to derail all the procedures that attempt to grow modern towns (Williams 49). Incentives are fascinating ways of encouraging both experts and citizens to

Alcohol Assignment 14 Essay Example for Free

Alcohol Assignment 14 Essay Alcohol as a drug is consumed in many societies across the globe by people of many ages. As such, it is important to cover this drug because it has a huge impact in the society. ALCOHOL 2 Alcohol abuse is very common especially among teenagers. It is sad that most people do not know the dangers that are associated with binge drinking. This paper aims to discuss different aspects of alcohol ranging from its classification, it side effects, and the psychological effects it has on the brain and the specific parts of the brain that it affects. Classification of Alcohol. Alcohol can be objectively classified into two classes. It can be classifies as a depressant as well as a stimulant. Alcohol classification as a depressant is related to the effect of its tendency to slow down some crucial functions of the human body such as speech resulting to slur of speech, slow response, and loss of stability. Alcohol is also classified as a stimulant because it does not always result to depression effects depending on the amount of it taken (Mongan, Reynolds , Fanagan and Long, 2007). When consumed in low quantities, it acts a stimulant the case being that of people who opt to take some small amounts of beer or wine so as to â€Å"cheer up’’. The point to stress at this point is that alcohol ceases to be a depressant if an individual consumes that amount which his/her body can easily handle. Psychological Effects of Alcohol on the Brain The consumption of alcohol is associated with various negative effects on the brain resulting to psychological problems. Suicide has been mentioned as the most common psychological effect of alcohol where it has been proven that majority of alcoholics commit suicide. Alcohol also has effects on the liver, which results to reduced capacity of the brain to function as a result of increased poison level on the blood that is supplied to the brain (Mongan, Raynolds, Fanagan Long, 2007). An alcohol abuser will experience a change in sleep patterns that may range from being sleepy or total lack of sleeps. Aspects of depression as well as high ALCOHOL 3 level of anxiety are bone out of the same. There is also the inability to remain attentive for a considerable span of time. It also causes unexpected change of moods, personality of the affected  individual, and hallucinations (Mongan et all, 2007) The Comon side Effects of Alcohol The various side effects of alcohol consumption are both long term and short term effects. The short term effects are the most common ones since they are easily observable. These effects cut through all the members of the societies from adolescents, men, women, and the elderly in the society. The most common effects of alcohol mostly manifested in adolescents are behaviors that are anti-social in nature such that can range from stealing and use of abusive language (Spear, 2002). The adolescents will also tent to be very violent (Korhonen, 2004). This violence does not only apply to adolescents alone. Other effects that are in a majority of alcohol takers are accidents associated with fires, car crashing, and collisions and generally accidental falls in places such as bath rooms. This is especially the case among the elderly persons whose ability to handle alcohol is very minimal. Irresponsible sexually behavior among the adolescents and women is another common effect of alcoholism the result of which is increased exposure to unwanted pregnancies as well as exposure to sexually transmitted diseases. Other effects are inability to maintain good relationships with other members of the society. As mentioned before, alcohol also results to depressed speech, loss of stability and some mental problems resulting to increased stress levels (Mongan et all, 2007) Brain Target and Alcohol Effect on Neurotransmitter Glycine receptors of the brain are the common target of the brain. This is supported by the evidence that alcohol has much profound effects on the thinking capacity of an individual, ALCOHOL 4 moods, and generally his/her behavior. These functions are only achieved when there is a proper balance between of chemical types that are identifies as neurotransmitters (Berman, Marinkovic, 2003). Whenever there is an imbalance in this chemical as a result of high toxic level of the blood supplied to the brain the ability to think is affected as well as a shift in moods and the individual behavior. Alcohol is both an antagonist and agonist. As an antagonist alcohol reduces some effects of the neurotransmitters while as an agonist it increases the effect of some neurotransmitters (Berman, Marinkovic, 2003). As an antagonist alcohol reduces the effects of glutamate which results to effects such as slur in speech, loss of memory and slackness in walking. Agonist effects are seen in instances where alcohol acts as painkillers, increased feeling of relaxation and generally feeling drowsy. Conclusion It is evident from the discussion that alcohol is a depressant and stimulant drug depending on the amount consumed on desired aspect on an individual. Alcohol affects different people in the society from young people to the adults. Furthermore, it has been established that alcohol has both psychological and physical effects, the physical effects mostly easily identified. Alcohol affects the functioning of the liver and as such the effect is transmitted to the brain and mostly affects the glycine receptors of the brain. This results to the imbalance in the neurotransmitter chemicals. The effects of the imbalance are increase or decrease in some activities of the neurotransmitters and as such alcohol functions as agonist and antagonist. ALCOHOL 5 References Berman, M. O. , Marinkovic, K. (2003). Alcoholism and the Brain: An Overview. Alcohol Research Health. Retrieved http://www. google. com/url? sa=trct=jq=esrc=ssource=webcd=1cad=rjauact=8ved=0CB0QFjAAurl= ALCOHOL 6 http%3A%2F%2Fpubs. niaaa. nih. gov%2Fpublications%2Farh27-2%2F125- 133. pdfei=rFbXVJWjA6ngywO_tYC4DAusg=AFQjCNFlNFUfhR8vWsTJZUZ1iKg AbNmXvQsig2=mKMv-_x18PNx-8ffk5kUZQbvm=bv. 85464276,d. bGQ Korhonen, M. (2004). Alcohol problems and approaches: Theories, Evidence and Northern Practices, NAHO, Ontario retrieved from http://www. naho. ca/documents/naho/english/pdf/alcohol_problems_approaches. pdf. Mongan D, Reynolds S, Fanagan S and Long J (2007) Health-related consequences of problem alcohol use. Overview 6. Dublin: Health Research Board retrieved from http://www. google. com/url? sa=trct=jq=esrc=ssource=webcd=1ved=0CB8QFjAAurl=http%3A%2F %2Fwww. hrb. ie%2Fuploads%2Ftx_hrbpublications %2FOverview6. pdfei=M0vXVL2FIeXD7gajoIEwusg=AFQjCNFi-kSYd63zLNuqIu- ppTWVvT9O3wsig2=wdKRzW_-rDin4vwkuf8wTwbvm=bv. 85464276,d. ZGU Spear , P. (2002). Alcohol Effects on Adolescents. Retrieved from http://citeseerx. ist. psu. edu/viewdoc/download? doi=10. 1. 1. 129. 8819rep=rep1type=pdf.

Persian Gulf War Essay -- essays research papers

The Persian Gulf is one of the few regions whose importance to the United States is obvious. The flow of Gulf oil will continue to be crucial to the economic well-being of the industrialized world for the foreseeable future; developments in the Gulf will have a critical impact on issues ranging from Arab-Israeli relations and religious extremism to terrorism and nuclear nonproliferation. Every president since Richard Nixon has recognized that ensuring Persian Gulf security and stability is a vital U.S. interest. The Clinton administration's strategy for achieving this goal during the president's first term was its attempted "dual containment" of Iraq and Iran. This is more a slogan than a strategy, however, and the policy may not be sustainable for much longer. In trying to isolate both of the Gulf's regional powers, the policy lacks strategic viability and carries a high financial and diplomatic cost. Saddam Hussein is still in power six years after his defeat at the hands of a multinational coalition, and the international consensus on continuing the containment of Iraq is fraying. The strident U.S. campaign to isolate Iran, in turn, drives Iran and Russia together and the United States and its Group of Seven allies apart. Finally, the imposing U.S. military presence that helps protect the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) from external threats is being exploited by hostile elements to take advantage of internal social, political, and economic problems. The advent of the Clinton administration's second term, together with the imminent inauguration of a new administration in Iran following this May's elections, provides an opportunity to review U.S. policies toward the Gulf and consider whether midcourse corrections could improve the situation. The first step in such a reevaluation is to view the problems in the Gulf clearly and objectively. In Iraq, the United States confronts a police state led by an erratic tyrant who’s limited but potentially serious capacity for regional action is currently subject to constraint. In Iran, the United States confronts a country with potentially considerable military and economic capabilities and an imperial tradition, which occupies a crucial position both for the Gulf and for future relations between the West and Central Asia. If Iraq poses a clear and relatively simple immediate threat, Iran rep... ...bsp; 773 n.a. Imports (goods, US$ billion) 1,030 1,222 n.a. The performance of the US economy is uninspiring in the early part of 2001. While industrial production recorded its fifth consecutive monthly decline in February 2001, retail sales fell again in February after the rebound in the previous two months. The IMF has recently revised its US growth forecast for 2001 from 3.2% to 1.7%. Despite signs of economic weaknesses, the US employment condition remains sound and inflation is well contained. Sources http://debate.uvm.edu/roguestates.html http://www.twq.com/winter01/kemp.pdf http://www.stanleyfoundation.org/reports/normalization.pdf http://www.terrorism.com/terrorism/sloan.html http://www.loc.gov/copyright/circs/circ38a.pdf http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/usa.html http://www.embeeuu.gub.uy/cusreg.htm http://www.zmag.org/zmag/articles/ShalomIranIraq.html http://bookstore.gpo.gov/sb/sb-210.html http://www.middle-east-online.com/English/Business/Feb2001/US%20may%20have%20to%20drop%20sanctions%20against%20Iran,%20Iraq,%20Libya.htm

The Arab Spring

The Arab Spring – Can It Avoid Death? A high degree of pessimism continues to hold a strong grip over the enthusiasts of democracy in the Arab world. In the last one year or so, the popular uprisings for social and political change have stalled in Bahrain, Syria and Yemen. In Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, where the populace succeeded in toppling the authoritarian rulers, things did not change that much. Violence, conflicts, and killings of political opponents disturbingly characterize all the Arab countries affected by the popular uprisings.On the whole, the success rate of democratization is so far disappointing. That begs the question whether the Arab popular uprisings for democratic change, what the media conveniently dubbed the ‘Arab Spring’, are dead or still alive. Certainly, the Arab Spring is not dead; prevailing political and economic realities do, however, indicate that it is inching towards the death bed. Though it is too early to make such an assertion, th e insurmountable political and economic challenges facing the post-revolutionary governments portend less hope for its success.There exist huge gaps between what the pro-democracy forces expected from the revolutions, that is, the expectations of transforming their societies away from authoritarian to democratic order, and what has been achieved or what is achievable on the ground. Neither national conditions nor global developments appear propitious to favor the goals and expectations of the pro-democracy forces. The Arab Spring, in stark contrast to other great historical revolutions, is marked by a series of distinctive features, and many of its weaknesses largely originate from these distinctive features.This is probably the first time in history that popular uprisings for social and political change kicked off without a particular ideology to promote. The Arab youths who organized the uprisings and shaped its course come from different political persuasions; they had no common political platform, no common political thread to tie them together. Neither in the post-uprisings period did they galvanize their political spirit by floating a common political party to consolidate their victories against the anti-democratic, counter-revolutionary forces.Equally noticeable was the absence of able leaders to guide the uprisings to successful conclusions. True, there existed some timid political parties in Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen but no revolutionary or visionary leaders in the likes of George Washington, V. I. Lenin, Mahatma Gandhi, Ayatollah Khomeini or Nelson Mandela. These political parties were hesitant to join the pro-democracy popular movements but tried to catch up once protesters defied the security forces and went out of control of the autocratic regimes.The leadership vacuum has put the army initially and then the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the Ennahda Party in Tunisia, a conglomerate of anti-Gaddafi forces in Libya, and elements of the old guards in Yemen in power. The beginning rather sounded inauspicious. Worse of all, the uprisings have fostered close collaboration between democratic and counter-revolutionary camps. The conservative Gulf monarchies, except Kuwait to a large extent, are the most fortified anti-democratic fort of the Middle East.In order to preserve hereditary rules and oil money-supported patronage systems, the Saudi King Abdullah sent troops on 14 March 2011 to suppress the popular demands for political and economic reforms in the island kingdom of Bahrain. The US, which has its Fifth Fleet based in Bahrain and a welter of strategic and business interests throughout the Gulf, acquiesced to Saudi intervention. Iran was projected as the enemy out there to take advantage.The Saudis, the Qataris and the Americans also found themselves onboard to oust Muammar Gaddafi through NATO-led military assault on Libya – a wonderful episode of cooperation between democracy and authoritarianism history will preserve in its archive for good. The young Egyptians, Libyans, Tunisians and Yemenis have defied all authoritarian hurdles to set their homelands on the track to democracy. They did not dream of becoming European liberals or American conservatives overnight but were motivated by the need to bury their authoritarian past and build their countries anew.There is a minimum expectation that propels every great revolution. In 1917 the Russian proletariat and the unpaid armed forces supported V. I. Lenin’s socialist revolution in the hope of securing a guaranteed future for bread and butter; the French revolutionaries of 1789 mobilized the common Frenchmen by promising an end to monarchical absolutism and the promulgation of inalienable rights, citizenships for all and good governance.In 2011, the Arab youths and mass people started their uprisings believing that they would be better off in a post-authoritarian system. Their expectations focused on achieving three principal goals – f reedom from want, freedom from fear, and the freedom to live in dignity what together make up human security, a concept the UNDP first popularized in 1994. Human security is widely defined as ‘safety from the constant threats from hunger, disease, crime and repression’.The achievement of human security in the post-revolutionary Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen requires, at a minimum, enough employment creations for the Arab youth bulge (15 – 29 age brackets) who constitute one-third of the total population, elimination of mass poverty (that ranges from 25 per cent in Egypt to 54. 5 per cent in Yemen) and economic inequalities, the elimination of conflicts, crimes and violence, and an end to intimidations, illegal tortures, and discriminations.In a nutshell, in order for the Arab Spring to stay alive, the post-uprisings Arab governments must achieve a minimum level of economic development to satisfy the basic needs of their people, and reorient the political order to secure good governance and social justice for all. The big question is: can they do it? Both insiders and outsiders easily comprehend that much of the violence and conflicts that keep battering Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Yemen originate from the lack of adequate economic provisions for the common people.The initial euphoria for democracy, it seems, may not last long unless the economy picks up dynamism with job promises for the young people. A 2012 Pew Research Center poll has found that the common Arabs prefer a strong economy to a democratic government. One does not need to be a genius like Karl Marx to grasp the simple idea that economics shapes the patterns of politics. The Egyptians are particularly frustrated that their post-revolution economic condition is worse than it was under Hosni Mubarak.Fiscal crisis and current account imbalances are more than threatening to the goals of pro-democracy movements. Egypt’s foreign currency reserves dropped from $36 billion in 2 010 to $24 billion by July 2011 and by January 2013 it shriveled to $13. 6 billion; foreign investors pulled $5. 5 billion by the end of 2011 and foreign direct investment declined sharply; GDP growth rate slid to 1. 8 per cent in 2011 to 1. 5 per cent in 2012 creating many economic woes for the Egyptians.The same picture is visible in Tunisia and Yemen. The dictators vanished leaving behind their economies in shambles. Under Hosni Mubarak, Egypt strongly pursued a pro-market private sector-led development strategy till his fall in February 2011. Late Anwar El-Sadat introduced this strategy in the mid-1970s that marked a cut-off point from Gamal Abdel Nasser’s social contract that guaranteed employments for the educated youths and free social services for the common Egyptians in exchange for political loyalty.Mubarak’s son Gamal Mubarak, groomed as the next in succession line, pursued a rapid privatization program and sold most state corporations to private Egyptian bu sinessmen and investors from Brazil, China, Russia, the US, and the Gulf Arab states. The program spread elite corruption and sharply widened the gaps between the rich and the poor effectively turning Egypt into a two-tier society. In Tunisia, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali established a family fiefdom where his family members and relatives came to firmly control the economic and commercial activities of the country.The common Tunisians suffered so much so that their patience broke down once the college graduate Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire on 17 December 2010. In Yemen, Ali Abdullah Saleh dispensed power and patronage through biased tribal and regional systems that bred discontents nationally and ignited rebellion in some parts of the country. Al-Qaeda fighters stepped in to take advantage of domestic political and economic grievances created by Saleh’s misrule. A quick improvement in post-revolutionary economies requires nothing less than economic miracles but this is very unlikely to happen.A few steps that seem urgent include a bold transition to market economy, introduction of sound fiscal and economic growth strategies to create employment opportunities for the youth bulge, policies to reduce social and economic gaps between the rich and the poor and simultaneous democratization of the political order at a pace people find acceptable. Libya may find the transition relatively easy since money coming from the oil sector gives it substantial leverage to navigate through financial and economic difficulties.The Libyan government earned a total of $54. 9 billion in 2012 in oil and gas revenues with a state budget of approximately the same amount for the same year to finance (50 billion Libyan dinars budget). For resource-poor Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen there is no easy solution. Their limited capacities to deal with post-revolution social and economic problems are chipped away by the continuing global economic recession, particularly the economic decline in the European Union (EU) member states.The economies of Egypt and Tunisia are more integrated with the EU; Tunisia, in particular, is sensitive to the ripple effects of what happens in the big EU economies. The economic and social problems are complicated more by the evolving patterns of politics. Except in Yemen, the Islamists are in control in all the post-revolutionary Arab states. Long repressed by the Arab autocrats, the Islamists rose to power by capitalizing on the weaknesses of the secular political forces and by dint of their organizational strength.The electoral victories of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt or the Ennahda Party in Tunisia did not bring with them a wealth of democratic state and nation-building experiences. While in the opposition they found too many faults with the now toppled dictators but once in power they started wavering in action, sometimes making the politically counterproductive decisions. The violent popular reactions to power grab by Egyptian Presi dent Mohammed Morsi is just a case at hand.In the absence of governance experiences and a development plan to stimulate economic growth to steer clear of political discontents, many Islamists turned to Turkey under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) rule since 2002 as a possible model to emulate. Soon after the Tunisian revolution, the Ennahda Party leader Rachid Ghannouchi told a press conference that his party would follow the Turkish model. A 2011 TESEV (Turkish Economic and Social Studies Center) public opinion survey in the Arab world found that 66 per cent of Arabs preferred Turkey as a model for their respective countries.Though opinions on what the Turkish model exactly means are divided, a simple articulation of the model points to the coexistence of democracy, political Islam, and successful economic liberalization. The Islamic AKP coexists with secular political parties in a secular democratic state structure without Islamizing the face and identity of Turkey but sup ervising rapid economic development with an average 8 per cent growth rate in 2010 and 2011. That marks a fundamental shift from the pre-2002 Kemalists-led state-imposed, elitist, and military supervised economic and political modernization of Turkey.Turkey, as a Muslim country and also because of its geographic proximity, appeals to the Arab world but it is doubtful whether Egypt, Libya or Tunisia can follow the footsteps of AKP. There is limited prospect for these countries at best to score big on issues like Turkish-style successful transition to market economy and integration into the global markets, a sufficient level of economic development to cope with the pressures of population growth, and efficient governance systems.Turkey itself is also experiencing economic contraction as its economy grew only by 1. 6 per cent in the third quarter of 2012. What hopes the economically less developed, less modernized Egypt, Tunisia or Yemen hold out for their people? While the AKP, being an Islamic party, has not really attempted to bring about Islamic transformation of Turkey, the Arab Islamic political parties and groups seek to promote Islamic laws and identities of their societies.Post-uprisings Egyptian, Libyan and Tunisian constitutions prioritize Islamic religion as the principal source of law and values. Extra pressures for Islamization are created by the salafi groups, such as the Libyan Islamic Movement for Change or the Al-Nour Party in Egypt. This is what destabilizes the post-revolution political order by unleashing diverse and conflicting political forces who constantly jockey for power and influence.No less damaging has been external interference in the spontaneous course of Arab pro-democracy movements. Great and regional powers have got dangerously enmeshed in the movements, either supporting or opposing the movements. UN Security Council Resolution 1973 legitimized NATO-led military intervention in Libya to promote democracy; it succeeded in bringi ng down the Gaddafi regime on 20 October 2011 but raised new serious questions about the application of force to promote democracy in the name of ‘the responsibility to protect’.The French arms delivery to the rebel fighters in violation of Security Council Resolution 1970 that imposed arms embargos on all Libyan parties, and regime change through force, according to many observers, overstepped the powers and jurisdictions of the two Resolutions. The Russians and the Chinese subsequently used it to justify their decisions to veto similar resolutions on Syria to stifle the pro-democracy forces. The Arab Spring, in fact, created a new geopolitical arena for the great powers either to promote or preserve their national interests, real as well as perceived.France became eager to spearhead the NATO military strikes on the Gaddafi regime once it secretly concluded coveted oil deals with the rebel National Transitional Council; the Russians would leave no stone untouched to sa feguard their naval base in Syria’s sea port Tartus and continue arms supplies to the Bashar Al-Assad government; and the Americans would support no action against their allies – the Bahraini Al-Khalifa rulers and Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh though they warranted Security Council interventions.One notices with painful sadness that Arab democracy promotions did not genuinely figure in their interests calculations. Distressing internal developments and encumbering external environment together have retarded the normal course of the Arab Spring. It is beyond the imagination of many people that the Arab Spring is getting dried out so soon. The fates of past great historical revolutions constantly remind us not to be too much optimistic about the glorious Arab pro-democracy movements.The 1917 Russian socialist revolution lasted some seventy years what prompted the Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm to label the 20th century as ‘the short twentieth century’, the French Revolution soon unleashed a ‘Reign of Terror’ though normalcy returned after massive killings and bloodshed, and the 1979 Iranian Revolution soon found itself entangled in a long war with Iraq and then in shackles of sanctions imposed by the West. The Arab Spring is tied up by irresolvable internal politico-economic problems and unwelcome external involvements.This is what is cutting short the life of the Arab Spring. The young Arab democratic forces are angry with post-uprisings developments, they lack the capacities to define and determine the course of their countries but are spirited enough to safeguard what they have achieved by overthrowing the dictators in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen. That promises no return to the authoritarian past but, at the same time, guarantees no progressive actions to materialize the objectives of the pro-democracy revolutions to keep the Arab Spring alive for years or decades to come.